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Learning from June 12

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As Nigerians mark the 22nd anniversary of June 12,1993 presidential election, Assistant Politics Editor, DANIEL KANU, takes a critical look at that political watershed and lessons learnt.

 

MKO Abiola
MKO Abiola

This Friday, June 12, will mark the 22nd anniversary of June 12, 1993 of a presidential election that became a watershed in the political history of Nigeria. It was an election widely adjudged freest and fairest, presumably won by business mogul, Moshood Abiola.

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Since Independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been on evolution course in its struggle for democratisation. After the nation’s failed attempts in the First Republic, its slide into dictatorship and the experiment with the Second Republic, the botched Third Republic that would have been the product of the June 12, 1993 election has remained a turning point in the nation’s politics.

 

Given some incontrovertible facts that have been released over the years, it is no longer an issue of debate that the annulled presidential election by then military president, Ibrahim Babangida, was won by Abiola who was later incarcerated until his death.

 

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It was one annulment that precipitated a national political crisis that seriously threatened the corporate existence of the country.

 

However, the June 12 struggle that followed the cancellation of the election’s results was also viewed through the prism of calculated self-interest, betrayal and hatred among many of the notable personalities involved in the election and its annulment.

 

For the first time in the nation’s chequered history, Nigerians, who had a reputation of clinging to their ethnic and religious identities in previous elections, set aside their ethno-religious differences to vote massively for the MKO/Kingibe Moslem/Moslem ticket.

 

The struggle for the enthronement of the winner of the June 12 election united some members of the political class, unions and human rights groups to publicly oppose the military, seeking a return to democratic rule and drive ideas of democratic conducts in the military government’s decision-making.

 

Activists, civil servants, students and the media literally shut the nation down with daily street protests and prolonged strikes by workers in critical sectors of the economy.

 

To most critics, what happened with the June 12 tragedy showcased the failures of Project Nigeria, resulting in the agitation by ethnic nationalities and groups for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), call for regionalism, and government of national unity (GNU), among other demands.

 

The struggle for the actualisation of the June 12 results embodied by Abiola and many ‘progressive’ politicians seem to have become a touchstone and rallying cry for democratic rule.

 

 

The Buhari challenge
Since the annulment of the June 12 election, its celebration has become a yearly ritual, particularly in the South West, the ethnic zone of the late Abiola.

 

There have been moves and strong debates for Nigeria to declare June 12 date as a ‘National Democracy Day’. Already the South West, particularly states that were formally Alliance for Democracy (AD)/Action Congress (AC)/Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) now the All Progressives Congress (APC) states observe the date as democracy day public holiday rather than May 29 which the federal government has recognised as such.

 

Whether President Muhammadu Buhari, who is now member of the APC, will make a pronouncement on the issue will be known at this year’s celebration, if he finally attends.

 

Buhari, TheNiche gathered, is expected to lead a host of other Nigerians to this year’s June 12 anniversary to honour Abiola.

 

In a statement during the week, Abdulmumuni Abiola, member of the organising committee of the 2015 commemoration anniversary of June 12, said the ceremony would include “the laying of a special wreath of honour” at Abiola’s graveside in memory of his sacrifices and death in the struggle for democratic change.

 

He added that the June 12 Movement – a political platform advancing the principles and values of popular democracy and its actualisation in Nigeria – also expects the new government led by Buhari to officially recognise his sacrifices in the struggle for the nation’s democracy in the aftermath of that election’s annulment.

 

The statement read in part: “The June 12 Movement, in collaboration with Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND), will be hosting eminent political leaders of thought and democracy activists to commemorate the 22nd democracy anniversary in Nigeria at a national breakfast prayers and tributes session in honour of MKO Abiola, martyr of the June 12 democratic struggle in Nigeria.

 

“This annual event, which will be hosted at the residence of the late Bashorun M.K.O Abiola at MKO Abiola Crescent in Lagos on Friday, June 12, will hold in remembrance of the struggles and sacrifices for the election. This year’s ceremony will also witness the laying of a special wreath of honour at the graveside of MKO Abiola in memory of his unparalleled sacrifices and martyrdom for the emergent democratic change in Nigeria.”

 

 

Situating IBB’s role
IBB, as Babangida is fondly called, has always said and confirmed that not only was he in power and government, but that he was in charge. He gave himself the appellation of Military President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria and he acted it out practically in all the eight years he held sway.

 

After several false starts, the Babangida-led military junta buckled under local and international pressure and began an endless money-guzzling transition to return the country to civilian rule. He had promised to return the country to civilian rule by 1990 which was later extended to January 1993.

 

In 1989, a Constituent Assembly had completed a constitution and that same year ban on political activities was lifted. In October that year, the government established two parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), barring other parties from registration.

 

The progressives found a home in the SDP while the conservatives gravitated towards the NRC.

 

In April 22, 1990, his government alleged that mid-level officers led by Major Gideon Orkar attempted unsuccessfully to overthrow it and 69 accused plotters were executed after secret trials before military tribunals.

 

In December 1990, the first stage of partisan elections was held at the local government level. Despite low turnout, there was no violence and both parties demonstrated strength in all regions of the country, with the SDP winning control of a majority of local government councils.

 

In December 1991, state legislative elections were held and Babangida decreed that previously banned politicians could contest in primaries scheduled for August.

 

As plotted, the election was cancelled, with government claiming it was inundated with fraud. Subsequent primaries scheduled for September also were cancelled.

 

A new presidential calendar was released after the cancellation of the 1992 presidential polls. The two political parties, SDP – the platform Abiola ran on and NRC were advised by the federal military government to use the Option A4 system.

 

The common feature at the period was that IBB was simply banning and unbanning politicians at whim. All announced candidates were disqualified from contesting the presidency once the new election format was selected. The presidential election was finally held on June 12, 1993, with the inauguration of the new president scheduled to take place on August 27, the eighth anniversary of Babangida’s coming to power.

 

In the historic June 12 presidential elections, early returns indicated that MKO won a decisive victory. Abiola beat Bashir Tofa of NRC even in the latter’s electoral ward, to prove his level of acceptability across the nation.

 

On June 23, Babangida, using several pending lawsuits as a pretence, annulled the election.

 

Many lost their lives in intense riots before Babangida was forced to “step aside” and hand power to an interim national government (ING) led by Ernest Shonekan on August 27.

 

 

Abacha horror
The ING was programmed to fail. And Abacha took over with ease.

 

There was state-sponsored terror that became the hallmark of Abacha’s iron-fisted rule, leading to the death of several prominent Nigerians. Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola, Shehu Yar’Adua, Bagauda Kalto, Suliat Adedeji and many others lost their lives while the Publisher of The Guardian Newspaper, Alex Ibru, and a leading member of the Afenifere socio-cultural organisation, Abraham Adesanya, escaped assassination attempts.

 

Abacha’s tyrannical rule came to an abrupt end on June 8, 1998 when he died in controversial circumstances in the Presidential Villa. A month later, Abiola also died in detention after drinking a cup of tea in the presence of American diplomats led by Thomas Pickering.

 

Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar took over and initiated a transition programme which ushered in the Fourth Republic in 1999. Olusegun Obasanjo, who had ruled the country as military head of state, won the election on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and was sworn in as executive president. He reigned for eight years.

 

 

The infamous ABN
During the presidential campaign of 1993, a group financed by Arthur Nzeribe known as Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) watched the campaigns from the sidelines while devising ways to scuttle the election. Five days to the conduct of the presidential election, the association brought a suit to an Abuja High Court to cancel the presidential primaries, alleging that the outcome of the primaries were riddled with corruption. However, a provision in a decree had made a provision for cancelling an election, and the National Electoral Commission (NEC) followed the military decree’s direction.

 

ABN had tried to mobilise Nigerians against the transition to civil rule programme. And a lot of Nigerians believed that the ABN was doing the bidding of key figures in the IBB administration.

 

 

The Abiola courage
On June 11, 1994, Abiola famously declared a Government of National Unity at Epetedo in Lagos.

 

In a speech titled ‘Enough is Enough’, he declared: “I cannot surrender (my mandate) unless the people so demand and it is by virtue of this mandate that I say that the decision of the Federal Military Government to cancel the results (of the elections) is unpatriotic and capable of causing undue and unnecessary confusion in the country.

 

“As of now, from this moment, a new Government of National Unity is in power throughout the length and breadth of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, led by me, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, as President and Commander-in-Chief. The National Assembly is hereby reconvened. All dismissed governors are reinstated. The (Houses of Assembly) are reconstituted, as are all local government councils. I urge them to adopt a bi-partisan approach to all the issues that come before them.

 

“I call upon the usurper, General Sani Abacha, to announce his resignation forthwith, together with the rest of his illegal ruling council. We are prepared to enter into negotiations with them to work out the mechanics for a smooth transfer of power.

 

“I hereby invoke the mandate bestowed upon me by my victory in the said election, to call on all members of the Armed Forces and the Police, the civil and public services throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to obey only the Government of National Unity that is headed by me, your only elected President.”

 

Sadly enough, Abiola’s declaration led to his arrest, detention and eventual death.

 

 

Lessons of June 12
The first lesson political watchers agree that was learnt from the experience is the need to have transparent elections. In the absence of 1992/1993 elections in Nigeria where Option A4 method was used, there seemed not to be any other that recorded obvious acceptance that made the votes count.

 

Political commentators are of the view that the June 12 election provided a moving spirit that made some Nigerians see reasons to vote for Goodluck Jonathan in the March 28 election, given the card-reader technology which, like Option A4, made the votes count.

 

Option A4, like the permanent voters card (PVC) to most Nigerians, seems to be an improvement of the Option A4.

 

With improvement in the PVC method, political commentators appear to be optimistic that the likelihood of having a more credible election in future is high.

 

 

Elder statesman, Senator Olabiyi Durojaiye, said Nigerians have not only learnt lessons from June 12, but have benefitted from it. For him, the emergence of Buhari showed that when the right candidate emerges, the people will go for the person despite religion.

 

Said Durojaiye: “Nigerians have gained from the June 12 experience. The peaceful transition that has culminated in the emergence of Buhari shows that the people know a right candidate when he emerges and they will want their vote to count as it counted in the election of President Buhari where the masses wanted change and it came to pass. Despite everything, they stood by Buhari, just as it happened in some states too.”

 

Former publicity secretary, Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), Vitalis Ajumbe, also concurred with the views of Durojaiye. He said that Nigerians know a right candidate and would ensure the person is voted for when it matters.

 

According to him, despite the negative propaganda against Buhari, Nigerians stood by him irrespective of religion and ethnic divide.

 

Ajumbe, now an APC chieftain in Imo State, told TheNiche that with the progress made through the use of the PVC, Nigerians will develop interest in voting for who represents them, knowing well that the electoral process is transparent where the votes count.

 

Beyond the declaration of June 12 as public holiday as is being done in states in the South West and the naming of monuments after the acclaimed winner of the election, pundits believe that Nigerian leaders need to take a cue from Abiola’s life of sacrifice.

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