Tinubu in seeking a second term is acting within his constitutional rights. It is rather the way it is being pursued that is giving cause for concern. That is why the reenactment of the Abacha self-succession antics to have his way, is worrisome. Incidentally, Tinubu, while in opposition, had presented himself as the face of democracy in the land. As Lagos State governor, Tinubu was the only one among his peers, that stood up to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo’s overt gravitation to civilian autocracy. The battle was extended to Obasanjo’s successors – Umaru Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan. But whatever Tinubu had against these predecessors have paled to insignificance at the rate he is trampling on the democracy guardrails in the country.
By Emeka Alex Duru
Few months to the October 1, 1998 terminal date of the General Sani Abacha’s political transition programme, open advertisement of loyalty to him, became a standard for measuring patriotism by his acolytes. Those that shouted louder were considered good citizens and their livelihood secured, while others who did not join the orchestra, were vilified and visited with severe consequences.
Brandishing Abacha Badge, imitating his dark goggles and donning his long flowing caftan, were instant signs of endorsement for his agenda at transiting from military head of state to civilian president. Appearing in public without the badge, was considered a sin against the state. Politicians and top-rate businessmen who did not decode the message and act accordingly, paid dearly.
Chairman of the then electoral umpire, the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON), Sumner Dagogo-Jack, was to ensure that there was no mistake in pronouncing Abacha president in 1998. In toe, the five registered political parties of the time: United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP), Congress for National Consensus (CNC), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN) and Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM), were instructed to hold affirmative primaries, where the head of state was adopted as sole candidate.
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Those that disagreed with the arrangement, had different stories to tell. Erstwhile Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Dikko (MD) Yusuf of GDM who tried to kick against the process, was lured to Maiduguri for a pseudo-presidential primary of his party where he was rubbished by compromised delegates. Don Etiebet equally tried to assert himself in aspiring to run on the platform of the NCPN, which he solely promoted and funded but almost lost his life. Etiebet had actually emerged the flag bearer of his party but few hours later, announced his withdrawal from the race and threw his support for Abacha. Reports had it that he was presented with two options by the authorities: contesting against the head of state and losing his business interests or resting the ambition and have his properties intact. Etiebet opted for the latter. He was wise enough to have done so.
With the endorsements from the political parties secured, NECON appropriately briefed and put on alert, the politicians falling over one another in demonstration of loyalty, the next stage featured street marches and musical concerts “pleading” with Abacha to accept the demands of Nigerians for him to continue as civilian president. A certain Daniel Kanu and his amorphous Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA), led the pack in the cacophony.
Procured commentators and analysts were unleashed on media houses for interviews in favour of the project. In fact, on Monday, June 8, 1998, one Uche Momah, who then packaged himself as the President of Igbo Speaking People in Lagos, was in our newsroom in the then Post Express Newspapers, wanting to grant interview on why Nigerians needed to support the transformation project, when news broke on the CNN that Abacha, their subject, had died. I did not know when he scurried out of the complex.
Fast-forward! 28 years after passing through the pains of the entire democracy processes being programmed to actualise Abacha’s transmogrification agenda, Nigerians seem headed for same gory path, no thanks to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who, in a bid to satiate his desire for a second term, is not taking any chances but runs through the democracy space like a hurricane. Every plot, every strategy, no matter how bizarre is being activated and tailored towards the project. It commenced with blackmailing or coercing first-term governors and other officials to defect from their political parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), decapitation of the legislature, evisceration of the judiciary and instigation of crises in the opposition parties.
Other aspects of the arrangement are quite elaborate, with precise characters reenacting similar roles by groups and individuals as in the Abacha era. Seyi Tinubu, the President’s son and his gang are out in many parts of the country, wooing and cajoling the young urban professionals (Yuppies) to key into the various contraptions that bear same briefs as Daniel Kanu’s YEAA. Entrepreneurs who do not want their businesses to be ruined by vicious government agents, have no options other than to sign into the movements. From his corner, Imo State governor, Hope Uzodimma, complements the drive with Renewed Hope Ambassadors, with mandate to rake in politicians from opposition groups, applying diplomacy and subtle threats. That was the job the then Minister for Special Duties, Wada Nas, did for Abacha. To weaken the opposition, former Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, is acting the spoiler in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), while Julius Abure, is the point man in Labour Party (LP). Late Senator Arthur Nzeribe played same role for Abacha.
In his midnight declaration of Tinubu as the winner of the 2023 presidential election, even when the results were yet to be fully uploaded, immediate past chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Mahmood Yakubu, commenced replaying the ignoble role of Dagogo-Jack’s NECON in foisting Abacha on the nation. There are fears that Yakubu’s successor, Prof Joash Amupitan, a Tinubu appointee, will work on same template. Foot soldiers are already on the roads hyping the Tinubu-messiah mantra. At most public functions lately, Tinubu’s campaign jingle; “On your mandate we shall stand…”, is virtually taking over the place of the national anthem, while the President’s trademark cap, is becoming the mode of dressing.
Principled opposition figures like former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi, are being called names and portrayed as unpatriotic elements for daring to challenge Tinubu. The last straw, so far, in the exercise is the Senate’s shocking rejection of mandatory electronic transmission of results on election day, which if allowed, would have seen the president losing even in his polling unit. The gameplan is to clear the way for the president and return him for a second term without contest.
Now, it needs be stated that Tinubu in seeking a second term is acting within his constitutional rights. It is rather the way it is being pursued that is giving cause for concern. That is why the reenactment of the Abacha self-succession antics to have his way, is dangerous and worrisome. Incidentally, Tinubu, while in opposition, had presented himself as the face of democracy in the land. As Lagos State governor, Tinubu was the only one among his peers, that stood up to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo’s overt gravitation to civilian autocracy. The battle was extended to Obasanjo’s successors – Umaru Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan. But whatever Tinubu had against these predecessors have paled to insignificance at the rate he is trampling on the democracy guardrails in the country. If you say it is hypocrisy at work, you may not be wrong. But it clearly reflects the views by Harvard University political scientists, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, in their 2018 publication on comparative politics titled; How Democracies Die. In their words; “Democracies may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders – presidents or prime ministers who subvert the very process that brought them to power”. That is what Nigerians are experiencing with Tinubu’s brazen quest for a second term.
Sycophants and spin doctors have taken over and are telling the president that he is the best thing to have happened to the country since the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates in 1914. But that is a lie. On the contrary, those who genuinely love the president should tell him that what seems to him as profession of loyalty by career politicians, is farcical and not borne of conviction. The truth is that many citizens are not happy with his politics and style of governance. Under his administration, the various fault lines in the country have widened, due largely to his lopsided policies and programmes that tend to exclude some sections of the populace. Under his supervision, Nigerians have sunk deeper in poverty; they are more exposed to insecurity and have lost their reputation abroad. These are considerations that ideally inform how far a leader goes in a reelection bid. Any other machination to return him to power, amounts to sheer parody.
