By Emeka Alex Duru
Barely four years ago, Yemi Osinbajo, Professor of Law and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), was the poster boy of General Muhammadu Buhari’s campaign for the presidency. With intimidating credentials that hallmarked his years in the academics and profound service profile which he earned in his days as Lagos State Attorney General, Osinbajo was readily touted as a fine blend to the inflexible character of Buhari who he was running with on the ticket of the then, fledgling All Progressives Congress (APC).
Coming also on the wings of his position as a senior pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG),
Osinbajo, offered assurance to many Christians who had accused Buhari of religious fundamentalism and tendencies of turning Nigeria to an Islamic State if elected to office. Osinbajo’s law background which took care of Buhari’s poor human rights record and his clerical calling which guaranteed the secularity of the country, came handy in marketing the team to the various sections of the country.
Besides, being a Yoruba of the geo-political South West, he drew votes to Buhari, who before then, had been heavily trounced on three attempts he had contested election for the presidency.
In apparent reward for these values, Buhari had severally poured encomiums on Osinbajo from the moment of their election up till their coming for a second term, last February. On occasions, the president had toasted him as a son in whom he was well-pleased. In the mood of the moment, their spouses,
Aisha Buhari and Dolapo Osinbajo, struck an unusual cord of understanding to the extent of their being often photographed tending to each other’s hairs at one time or another. The relationship was that intimate, many had assumed.
That was rare, at least in the recent history of relations between the Heads of the government and their deputies.
With the possible exception of the Goodluck Jonathan – Namadi Sambo presidency in which the two principal actors maintained a relationship that lacked particular definition on matters of intimacy, some of their predecessors had had rancorous relationship at one time or another. President Olusegun Obasanjo and his deputy, Atiku Abubakar, who, at a time, came close to exchanging blows, set the stage in the regime of suspicion that has characterized the subsequent presidents and vice presidents.
They had started off a good note, to the point of Obasanjo, virtually handing over the affairs of the government to Atiku, particularly on economy, while he embarked on extensive travels abroad, presumably, in efforts to repair the image of the country that had been battered by years of military dictatorship. By their second term however, their relationship had hit the grounds.
For the remaining four years, they were engaged in consuming feud, to the point of Atiku being forced out of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He later found anchor in the Action Congress (AC), which he put together with the likes of former Lagos governor and APC chieftain, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Atiku ran election on the platform of the party in 2007 but lost out to the PDP candidate, late Umaru Yar’Adua.
He is yet to recover fully, politically, from that onslaught by Obasanjo.
What played out between Obasanjo and Atiku, was to extent, a carryover of the trend by the military, earlier. In this instance, the Generals Sani Abacha – Oladipo Diya and Ibrahim Babngida – Ebitu Ukiwe episodes, come to mind, readily.
The Abacha – Diya impasse was so intense that Diya, the Chief of General Staff (CGS), was accused of attempted coup, found guilty and imprisoned. He was replaced by a more pliable, Admiral Mike Okhai Akhigbe. Earlier, Babangida, who had taken off a chummy note with Ukiwe as his CGS, fell out on issues that bordered on personality clash and leadership struggle, within their circle.
Ukiwe was eased out, offered a position of Labour Minister, which he reportedly turned down, opting for retirement. He was replaced by late Admiral Augustus Aikhomu.
Given the ease with which the Deputies have disposed, occupants of the office have often been referred to as Spare Tyres in the average Nigerian street lingo. The assumption behind the bizarre ascription is that they can only be relevant in matters of dire need, at the disposition of their principals or when the latter are knocked out of office by reasons of death or invalidity. The Deputy Governors in the States, are not free of this odious categorization.
The plight of the Vice President, is not in any way, lightened by the Constitution. In fact, Chapter V1, Section 141 of the 1999 Constitution, merely prescribes that “There shall be for the federation, a Vice President”. Every other function and responsibility of the Vice President, is on what the President delegates to him. This is where the vulnerability and spare tyre status of the occupant of the office, find expression.
Osibanjo in the mix?
This is also why the current uncertain developments around Osinbajo, the Vice President, give cause for concern.
In the last couple of days, the vice president has been under intense pressure. With insinuations in various quarters on ruptured relationship between him and some big forces in Aso Rock, there have been reports of his being an orphan of sort in the presidency. What particularly gave vent to this feeling was the setting up of the Economic Advisory Council by Buhari, recently.
The body is a replacement to the National Economic Council (NEC), which Osinbajo was the Chairman. The new body is to report to directly to the president. As if that was not enough, the Vice President was directed to seek approvals from the President on financial transactions of the parastatals under his supervision.
Many reasons have been adduced by the turn of events. Some allege proxy war for 2023 politics. Other claim abuse of office by the vice President. To heighten the tension, Buhari has not made any comments on the disturbing situation.
In the midst of the confusion, stories are flying about on the possibilities of Osinbajo being asked to resign from office in the days ahead. There are also said to be interventions to save the vice president from disgrace. Perhaps, this particular consideration and the fear of the collateral impact on the APC in future elections by any action on the vice president, especially in his South West, may be his saving grace in the pervading battle.
But no matter how the situation is managed in the days ahead, those that had coined the spare tyre analogy on the office of Nigeria’s Vice President, may have been vindicated, in a way.
