Dr. OBIORA OKONKWO, Political Scientist, President and Founder, Nigeria-Belgium Business Forum (NBBF) and board member of the National Metallurgical Development Centre, Jos, talks to Editor, Politics/Features, EMEKA ALEX DURU, on crisis in Anambra chapter of PDP, chances of Ndigbo in Nigeria’s politics, his concern for 2015 election, security challenges in the land as well as the ongoing confab…
You are the leader of Nzuko Imeobi, an organisation that is generally seen as rallying point for politicians in Anambra Central Senatorial District. How would you assess its role during last year’s governorship election in the state?
Dr. Obiora Okonkwo
The organisation is a grassroots movement, which is focused on enhancing participation of the people of Idemili North and South, and beyond, in politics. Membership cuts across political divides, which makes it a non-partisan organisation. The resolve is that no matter who the political parties present to them as their candidates, after all the political calculations and alignments, the people must have a say even when they are not members of that particular party. The concern and the point here is on the quality of the candidates, and that is where the support is based.
In the last election, Nzuko Imeobi led the people of Idemili to understand that fairness, equity and justice should be the hallmark of our political development. For that reason, we endorsed powershift to Anambra North, regardless of the fact that there were candidates from our zone, Anambra Central. We told the candidates that Anambra Central had had its fair share of political leadership at that level, and for the sake of equity, it was time for things to change. The people listened and abided by that reality, and in that election focused their attention on the candidates from the North in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).
There has been the allegation that some of the representatives have not really been delivering on target. Was it that your group did not do due diligence before endorsing them?
What we had done in the recent past in Anambra was to play what I call developmental politics. In that regard, we had focused on individuals who had shown the potential of performing at the highest level and delivering to the people the often-mentioned democracy dividends. This hasn’t worked as we anticipated because when these people were in the positions from where they could serve the people, they usually disappointed and fell short of expectations. This has led to so much frustration and despair among the people.
The focus now is to ensure that politics should be nothing but service, and we are ready at every point to influence things. This time around, we are trying a new approach. In the past, the parties had picked the people and brought them to seek the support of the people. We want the people to raise their own candidates and convince the politicians to take them.
With what you seem to represent, why have you not considered standing for elective politics?
I have not, because I believe that you can serve the people in different ways other than standing to be voted for. I have served them in various capacities, and although I am a member of the PDP, I have not been partisan as a developmental politician. I have been involved in organising things strategically in Anambra, and this has been felt in many quarters. But as I said, this time around, we feel the time is right to get involved on a partisan level. I am not a practising politician, which is a euphemism for being in politics without any other source of livelihood. I am fully engaged with my own entrepreneurial activities. At the right time and with the collective determination of the people, I will get involved; I will seek an elective office, which will be guided by what the people want and what will be beneficial to them.
If you are asked to run for the Senate, will you go? And if you do, what will you do differently?
We usually say that the voice of the people is the voice of God. If my people make the call, I will respond, knowing that they must have a reason for making the call. Without holding an elective post, I have attracted investors and federal projects to my constituency. I have built schools, offered scholarships to students in foreign and local universities, empowered the people, etc.
Anambra Central is the only place in the South East where the APC has lawmakers in both the House of Assembly and the National Assembly. How would you assess the impact of their representation, especially at the national level?
The impact of Senator Chris Ngige goes beyond Idemili, and as a matter of fact beyond Anambra, knowing that he is a senator of the Federal Republic. So, it is not easy assessing him in that context. But maybe expectations from his immediate constituency have not been met or maybe the expectations were too high and that is why the yearning for a change is beginning to reverberate.
The people wish for a change in the House of Representatives for several reasons. Charles Odedo might have done well in certain areas, but Idemili would wish for a change. The people collectively have raised the question of zoning his seat. The federal constituency he represents is made up of two major councils, and the other section from Idemili North is saying it is their turn. I brokered that deal that he should return for a second term, with the understanding that in the 2015 election, Idemili North should produce the candidate. And we believe that this was what the APC leader, Ngige, was referring to when he said the man would not get the ticket because other people must be given a chance.
What do you think are the reasons behind the several crises bedevilling the PDP in Anambra, despite the presence of several political heavyweights in the party, and how would you rate the chances of the party in future elections in the midst of the crisis?
At every election, the chances of PDP were usually higher than any other party until now. The internal crisis means that PDP has become its own enemy. Most of the heavyweights are government contractors or friends of people in government and they always have influence over the voters. When we come to the internal crisis, it is quite unfortunate. But suffice it to say that some of the gladiators have been hurt. After fighting and eventually losing the elections, they have realised the futility of the crises ravaging the party. They benefit nothing after the fights and they have realised it. So our hope is that in the 2015 election, they would have learnt their lessons. We hope that the time will come when everyone will sit on the table and talk, rather than fight, over things.
Part of the disengagement process of the last administration was the donation of large sums of money to churches. As an adviser to the Catholic Archbishop of Onitsha, one of the beneficiaries, how did this come to you?
It is something that has raised a lot of questions and praises in some circles. Despite the fanfare with which it was done, there are still grey areas. For example, we have inquired about the source of the money and whether it was budgeted or followed due process, and the answers are not clear to me. But what we know is that the Church is managing the resources well in the provision of infrastructure.
I believe that credit must be given to the Church for the success we have seen in the educational sector because there was a tradition of high performance when the Church had been in control of education. The point is that it is not the money that was given to the Church that suddenly changed things. We strongly believe that the education sector, like any other sector, must be planned. Sharing money is not the solution.
How would you assess the present APGA administration in Anambra?
Although it is still too early to make an assessment, I dare say that the signs we are seeing are promising and an indication of better things to come. If these indications are maintained, I think we might witness a major shift in focus. The governor, if well-guarded and guided, will discover that ruling Anambra is not as difficult as many people have been made to believe. Anambra is a state where we have people whose business turn-over could be higher than the monthly earnings of the government. They obviously don’t need the money from the government; they just want to be involved. In the past, communities in Anambra had built their roads, schools and hospitals and handed them over to the government. These are people who don’t know how to depend on government. But if you alienate them, they will also alienate you.
It is usually said that Anambra is not getting it right politically. What do you think is responsible for this?
There is no doubt that there was a political confusion that started in 2003 that is still affecting things. I put some of these things down to selfishness among some politicians. We have made so much capital out of what is usually referred to as godfather politics. People have thrown loyalty to the people overboard and there are unnecessary and avoidable conflicts. It goes on in different ways and the state suffers. Sometimes people don’t get what they expect out of situations, while others get more than they deserve. The more we have people of integrity, the more this will be whittled down and Anambra will begin to get it right.
How would you analyse the readiness of Ndigbo ahead of the 2015 elections?
There may not be a time a section can say they are prepared to grab power. We will always have competent men and women for even the office of president. But we should realise that political power is not served à la carte. I am not scared about the readiness of Ndigbo to put up that fight for political power. But we must bear in mind that the contest is usually carried out within a context. As we look ahead to 2015, the question is whether Ndigbo can realistically go into the fight for any national position? Which position will that be? It is only when the position is identified that the readiness will be assessed within the dynamics.
Such dynamics include the principles of rotation and powershift, regardless of the party. Where do they come in when that formula is unfolded by the parties? You can’t fight for what the structure does not support you for. The components of the structure should at least give you the support to win the primaries before you know you stand a chance to fight. We must be aware of how the structure is skewed against or in favour of the zone. For example, we have the lowest number of states and councils in the federation, and democracy is a game of numbers. How does this affect Ndigbo?
From that point of view, do you think there is a need for the ongoing national conference?
Absolutely, and it is long overdue. Even at this stage, the quality of the debates and the intensity of the discussions support the need for the conference. The expectation is that the conference will address the sort of issues that will make the transition of power between the states or zones easy. It is only from such discussions that the South East will stand a chance of producing the president without the kind of conflicts that exist now. The major challenge is what we do with the outcome of the conference. Will the leaders really work with the recommendations or will they be manipulated to suit the needs of individuals who are positioning themselves to benefit from the system? The conference will definitely be the turning point, and it is providential that it is coming slightly ahead of the 2015 elections.
Do you share the growing concern regarding the security situation in the country ahead of the 2015 elections?
I think the state of insecurity is no more a Nigerian issue, especially with the attention it is getting now. I am convinced that under the prevailing attention, it will not be worse. Some have explained the insecurity as a consequence of the last presidential election, while others are looking at it as the build up to the 2015 elections. They might be right or wrong, but no matter how bad it is, the federal government has shown all the signs that it is committed to solving this matter. The successes achieved in matters of security are usually not public knowledge. What is common knowledge are the occasional failures like when a bomb goes off and people unfortunately lose their lives. We are not usually acquainted with the number of bombs that were stopped from going off. It is, therefore, certain that the federal government might have scored more points to stemming insecurity then the failures that raise panic. I think peace will finally return.
Do you think Anambra has fully harnessed the potential of the market in Onitsha and the industry in Nnewi to really boost its economic fortunes?
It is a source of concern to any right-thinking person from Anambra and the South East that this has not been the case. In the past, almost all the successful businessmen and industrialists operated in Anambra. But today, there is an economic shift. The condition of Onitsha market today is very painful. Traders had departed and moved across the Niger Bridge because of the poor security situation in the past, and there was no deliberate policy of the government to reverse that. Today, security in Onitsha is improving and we hope that economic activities will pick up.
During the last administration, there was a policy that discouraged commerce and encouraged the traders to invest in shares. For this, a branch of the stock market was built in Onitsha. Unfortunately, most of those who got involved had borrowed money and invested in the stock market and they were affected by the crisis in the market. Many were ruined. Governments ought to create the right environment for traditional commerce to grow. For example, Anambra was one of the earliest states that considered building an airport, which would have supported commerce. But that was never taken serious. While Delta State built the Asaba Airport to target the market and traffic Onitsha will generate, the road to the Enugu airport is a death trap.
