Nigeria on the brink: A nonagenarian’s roadmap to United Tribes of Nigeria. In today’s Nigeria, everything that can go wrong has gone wrong… The economy is not growing, in fact the growth rate of the GDP has slowed considerably due to poor economic management and bad governance system. The Naira has lost its value, interest rate is so high that it does not encourage either savings or investment, without these, the economy cannot grow.
By Uma Eleazu
In the wake of Nigeria’s recent political developments, the need to critically examine and reassess our constitutional framework has never been more pressing. This paper seeks to underscore the urgency of this re-evaluation, not as a mere academic exercise, but as a vital step towards realizing a more inclusive and effective mode of governance that truly reflects the wishes and aspirations of the Nigerian people.
As we navigate the complexities of our nation’s political landscape, it is imperative that we confront the inadequacies of our current system. The 2023 elections have laid bare the vulnerabilities in our democratic processes and the growing disconnect between the constitutional provisions and the lived realities of our citizenry. This dissonance calls for a bold reimagining of our governance structures, one that is anchored in the principles of constitutionalism and the rule of law.
The aim of this paper is to catalyze a national dialogue on constitutional reforms — a conversation that is long overdue. It is a call to action for scholars, policymakers, civil society, and the general public to engage in a collective quest for a governance framework that is equitable, transparent, and accountable. Through a rigorous analysis of our constitutional history, an evaluation of our democratic institutions, and a critical look at the political dynamics that shape our society, this paper endeavours to lay the groundwork for a transformative constitutional journey.
In doing so, we must be guided by a vision of democracy that is not only procedural but also substantive, ensuring that the tenets of justice, equity, rule of law and individual freedom are not just ideals but lived experiences for every Nigerian. This paper is an invitation to all stakeholders, that is to say, all ethnic nationalities in this entity called NIGERIA, to gear up and partake in forging a new paradigm for Nigeria — one that upholds the dignity of the individual, harnesses the diversity of our cultural values, and paves the way for a future where democracy in its truest form can thrive. .
This paper emphasizes the critical need for the educated elite, no matter the profession, to accept the collective responsibility of us all, Nigerians to participate in shaping a more democratic future; yes, a more democratic future is possible, but we have to work for it.
The economic hardships, corruption scandals, and governance failures of the Shagari administration and the military era that followed, highlight the deep-seated structural problems that plagued Nigeria’s governance system and unconducive to the effective functioning of democracy.
The resurgence of military rule under General Buhari and his successors further entrenched a culture of authoritarianism and repression, eroding the little gains made towards democratic consolidation during the Second Republic. The militarization of politics, the suppression of dissent, and the marginalization of civil society actors weakened the foundations of democratic governance and perpetuated a cycle of political instability and uncertainty in Nigeria. The restructuring of the geopolitics of the country in the name of accommodating smaller ethnic groups, and bringing governance closer to the people, tended to weaken rather than strengthen democratic structures.
The experiences of ordinary Nigerians during this period were marked by economic hardships, social unrest, and a sense of disillusionment as successive military regimes failed to deliver on their pledges of good governance and accountability.
The legacy of economic mismanagement, corruption, and authoritarian rule from this era continues to reverberate in contemporary governance dynamics as Nigeria grapples with the enduring effects of past traumas and injustices. The need to rethink Nigeria’s constitution and strengthen its democratic institutions is paramount in addressing the legacies of military dominance and authoritarian rule. Fostering a culture of political accountability, and upholding the values of transparency, inclusivity, and respect for human rights must now be on the front burner.
Nigeria can chart a new course towards a more just, inclusive, and resilient democracy for all its citizens by learning from the mistakes of the past, addressing the systemic challenges that hinder democratic consolidation, and fostering transparency and accountability in governance. Only through a comprehensive re-evaluation of its governance structures and a commitment to democratic values can Nigeria overcome the legacy of its tumultuous history and build a future founded on the principles of justice, freedom, and equality.
Aftermath of the 2015 elections
In today’s Nigeria, everything that can go wrong has gone wrong, thanks to the Buhari regime. The economy is not growing, in fact the growth rate of the GDP has slowed considerably due to poor economic management and bad governance system. The Naira has lost its value, interest rate is so high that it does not encourage either savings or investment, without these, the economy cannot grow.
Nigeria’s problem is not writing a new constitution – Dr. Uma Eleazu
I pray to see a ‘United Tribes of Nigeria’ – Dr Uma Eleazu
Foreign investment cannot flow in because of unpredictable exchange rate and without foreign capital inflow, we cannot get the technology that could have come with them. Indigenous scientific research has for long been stultified because those in power do not value education. The physical infrastructure that support growth of businesses – energy, roads, ports, and so on, have been allowed to dilapidate. The general business climate is harsh and uninviting; those foreign businesses already here are taking their flight out of the country. And then the big elephant in the china shop, security. There can be no civilization in a country living in the “state of nature”.
On the other hand, the population is growing faster than we can feed, house or educate the young. As a result we have over 20 million children who have never been enrolled in school, and many more who dropped out without completing the primary school education, they join the growing number of youth unemployment. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) says 45.6% of youths (aged 18 – 35) are unemployed. Those of them who managed to go through primary and secondary level of education have no employable skills. Some of them who managed to finish their tertiary education eke out their living on the periphery of the formal economy, thanks to the internet and IT revolution. They are starting families and soon have other mouths to feed! The result is poverty of body and mind. Any wonder the World Bank says Nigeria is now the Poverty capital of the world with over 130 million suffering from multidimensional poverty. With all these things going on, all hope for a better future is what the forthcoming election means for many Nigerians.
The reason people set up government is to protect life and property from external or internal marauders; to protect their freedom to go about their lawful businesses unmolested. The US Constitution summarized it in the famous phrase “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Copying from the 1979 Nigerian constitution, the makers of the 1999 Constitution, stated categorically that the constitution is adopted “… for the purpose of promoting the good government and welfare of all peoples in our country on the principles of Freedom, Equity and Justice, and for the purpose of consolidating the unity of our people..” (See preamble to the 1999 constitution)
Today that is not happening in Nigeria. Nobody can sleep with two eyes closed. There is banditry and kidnapping for ransom, murder of innocents by known and unknown gunmen, highway robbery, rape, murder and arson especially on Government facilities built with colossal amounts of public funds; there is blatant looting of public funds by the people who were elected or appointed to use it for the welfare of the people. Our elected leaders appear to be “fiddling while Rome burns.” Debates in the National Assembly, and even State assemblies sound so flat and bland “full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.” They do not show that our leaders understand the people’s problems except when it touches their pockets. At the end of the day they take their loot and retire to their homes abroad only to be replaced by another batch of treasury looters under immunity from prosecution, because they were once governors of states they succeeded in looting dry. Do they understand their role as elected representatives of the people? I doubt it.
When the Buhari regime was waiting on the wings – (2014/15) – it promised CHANGE to Nigerians. Naira would exchange 1 to 1 with the dollar; Boko Haram will be defeated, corruption will be wiped out, etc. Eight years down the line, Naira now exchanges at 740+ to one US Dollar. Boko Haram has gone from being ‘technically defeated’ to controlling nearly the whole of North East and parts of the North Central zones of the country. Corruption has reached high heavens as to make the angels weep. Add to this the impunity with which public officials deal with the down trodden, the wretched of the earth of Nigeria; there is much extrajudicial killing of innocent citizens, the youths are hounded into prisons for having an earphone; young people are arrested and detained without trial for having a computer. A panel beater was sentenced to death for stealing 57,000 Naira while an Accountant General was fined 750,000 naira for stealing N109 billion naira, If that is not a travesty of justice, then I don’t know what justice is.
Security officials act with such impunity that many youths are afraid to ply their legitimate IT trade. Even as I am writing, a young female lawyer has been gunned down by an Assistant Superintendent of Police. – a very senior officer who should know the rules and boundaries of policing and law enforcement. We have not heard that he has been at least taken into custody for questioning, let alone trial. What a country? And yet our future lies in the education and encouragement of this growing resilient, adaptable, tech-savvy generation of youths, our greatest resource for development.
Fast forward to February – March 2023
The 2023 elections in Nigeria were approached with a palpable sense of anticipation. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had set high expectations, promising a departure from past electoral anomalies and an embrace of new technologies to bolster public confidence in the electoral process. The general public, buoyed by these assurances, looked forward to an election that would reflect their aspirations for a more transparent and accountable governance system.
In the lead-up to the 2023 presidential election, the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Mahmoud Yakubu, exuded confidence in the newly acquired electronic systems designed to modernize the electoral process. The National Assembly had recently legislated the use of cutting-edge technology, including the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and the INEC Results Viewing (I-Rev) Portal. This was anticipated to herald a new era of transparency and credibility in Nigeria’s electoral management, fulfilling the long-standing aspiration for a democracy that serves all citizens equitably.
However, the reality diverged sharply from these expectations. Within twenty-four hours of the polls opening, it became evident that the results were not being uploaded as promised. While approximately 27,000 results from the National Assembly elections were posted, the Presidential ballots remained conspicuously absent from the I-Rev portal. Queries directed at INEC went unanswered, leaving a void filled by rampant speculation on social media. Amidst the growing unrest, Prof Yakubu’s silence was deafening.
Days passed with only sporadic updates, and when Prof Yakubu finally addressed the nation, it was to declare a ‘glitch’— a term that did little to assuage the concerns of party officials and the public. Calls for transparency from figures like former President Obasanjo went unheeded, and the tension escalated.
The nation held its breath on the night of February 28, 2023, hoping for a resolution. Yet, in a pre-dawn announcement, Prof Yakubu declared APC candidate Ahmed Bola Tinubu the victor, citing figures that lacked the verification of the much-touted electronic system. This abrupt declaration, devoid of the expected digital corroboration, cast a shadow over the electoral process.
The aftermath was a maelstrom of accusations and evidence of electoral malfeasance, including violence, over voting, ballot tampering, ballot box snatching and arson, the alleged sabotage of INEC’s multimillion-naira equipment. The integrity of the election was further compromised by reports of ethnic profiling and voter suppression, particularly in Lagos State, where tactics of intimidation were allegedly employed to influence the outcome.
As the dust settled, the aggrieved were directed to seek redress in court, but the judicial process proved daunting. The tribunals, tasked with upholding electoral justice, seemed to grapple with the same opacity that plagued the elections. The appellants’ grievances were manifold, challenging both the legitimacy of the announced winner’s candidacy and the integrity of the electoral process itself.
The core allegations were as follows:
1. The APC candidate, Bola Tinubu, failed to secure the constitutionally required 25% of votes in two-thirds of the 36 states and Abuja.
2. Tinubu’s eligibility was contested based on allegations of presenting a forged degree certificate—a claim substantiated in a U.S. court.
3. Past convictions for drug-related offenses, which led to a substantial forfeiture to the U.S. government, were cited to question his legal standing to contest the election.
4. Beyond these personal disqualifications, the election itself was marred by widespread irregularities attributed to the actions of the candidate and his party.
The electoral process’ shortcomings and the courts’ perplexing decisions have led many to question the viability of democratic politics in Nigeria. While some attribute the issues to the constitution, others point to the individuals operating within the system — or perhaps a combination of both. The failure of democratic politics in Nigeria poses an existential threat to its continuity as a political entity. All the ingredients of democratic recession are there pointing to a failed state and what remains is the enthronement of a Strong man at the helm and the circle is complete. The country’s geopolitics are deeply divided along ethnic and religious lines, and the gap between the wealthy and the impoverished continues to widen, fuelled by rampant, corrupt prebendal politics and the ideology of state capture. Despite constitutional assertions that Nigeria is a liberal democracy, the residual impunity and command-and-control mind-set, a carry-over from the military dictatorship era has transformed civilian politics into a domain for the erosion of civil liberties; and weakening of checks and balances on the excesses of the executive. Officials wielding even minor authority often trample on the rights of the poor and act as if politics is about personal enrichment and aggrandizement. In this brief work, we aim to revisit foundational principles of democratic politics and explore viable options for Nigeria’s path forward.
The big question that looms large is whether constitutional amendment or redrafting can change the personality types that captured the ship of state.
This conundrum invites a deeper examination of Nigeria’s political culture and the suitability of its electoral mechanisms to the nation’s unique cultural make up, values and temperament. It is imperative to scrutinize the electoral process not only as a means of selecting leaders but also as a reflection of the nation’s commitment to fostering good governance and effective leadership.
However, the aftermath of last years’ elections paint a different picture unless something is done and quickly too. The public’s reaction to the perceived shortcomings of the electoral process was one of disillusionment. Despite INEC’s much vaunted commitment to ensuring that the elections would mirror the voters’ expectations, the reality on the ground fell far short of this goal. At critical junctures in the process that demanded action to stop the drift, the electoral managers wilfully neglected to act, which laid them open to the accusation of complicity in the reports of over-voting, snatching of ballot boxes and the cancellation of votes in some polling units due to irregularities, in spite of the use of new electoral technologies. This only heightened the trust deficit between the voters and election managers.
The data on voter turnout and irregularities from the 2023 elections further illustrate the scale of the challenges we face. With over 93 million registered voters, only about 25 million cast their votes at the presidential election marking a turnout of approximately 27%. This was not only a significant decline from the 34.74% turnout in the 2019 elections but also the lowest since the return to democracy in 1999. (the subsequent governorship elections were even worse.
Historical comparisons reveal a troubling trend of declining voter participation, with turnout rates falling from 69% in 2003 to 57.5% in 2007, 53.7% in 2011, 43.7% in 2015, and 34.8% in 2019⁹.
This decline in voter engagement has raised questions about the efficacy of the electoral process and the extent to which it meets the democratic expectations of Nigerians. The fact that 93 million registered to vote is indicative of willingness to participate in their civic duties. The low turnout rate in 2023, which might also be the lowest in Africa, suggests a deepening apathy towards the electoral process and a growing disconnect between the government and its citizens. What is the reason for staying away from the election after struggling to get the voters card? The implications of this are profound, as it means that a small fraction of the population is determining the political direction of the country, potentially undermining the legitimacy of the elected officials and the democratic process itself or the obverse, that a majority of the population have been left behind. Either way, this does not augur well for democracy.
Rethinking the Nigerian Constitution
“The ugliness of yesterday must not define us. We must finish this journey together. We shall neither relent, slow down nor give up. The Resurrection is a promise that despite the seeming helplessness of the Cross, God’s plans cannot be frustrated.” – Excerpt from Bishop Matthew Kukah’s Easter message April 2023
The harm inflicted by these electoral challenges on the BODY- POLITIC as well as on the overall expectations of the Nigerian populace cannot be overemphasized. The political atmosphere is so toxic that It has not only dampened the enthusiasm for political participation but has also cast a long shadow over the prospects of achieving a truly representative or responsive government. Some even believe that it has called into question the survival of Nigeria as a political entity hence the urgent call for reforms, but what kind of reform?
So rethinking the Nigerian constitution is not a question of tinkering with words and legal phraseology in the document; we need to go deeper to enquire into why voters are apathetic on the Election Day.
We need to ask whether the first-past the-post electoral system is good for Nigeria. With the multiplicity of cleavages in the body politic, would proportional representation or variants of it not be considered more appropriate? After all, elections are not just for leadership selection, it affords citizens opportunity to make a choice from among different visions of the future presented by the contending parties. It also affords those who aspire to lead to showcase their qualifications, maturity, abilities (natural and acquired). There is no reason why we must have an omnibus so called Independent National Electoral Commission. Each nationality can conduct their own election according to a system of their choice, and send the requisite number of representatives or delegates to the assembly.
We need to enquire into the general atmosphere pervading electioneering campaigns, the pre-election security arrangements, the readiness of election materials, IT machines, administrators at all levels including, the members of the Commission and even adequacy of policing.
We need to delve deeper into the realities of the Nigerian experiences of democratic processes and governance, especially the fundamental values that hold us together. Our founding fathers for better or for worse, chose “Freedom, Equality and Justice”. For the purpose of consolidating our UNITY”. Do present day leaders still believe in these normative values?
Why do we have disagreements over religion, over geographical boundaries, over political boundaries, over ethnicity, over formulae for sharing revenues, over residential rights of citizens? It is essential to keep these realities at the forefront of any analysis and/or attempt to reform the system.
If we talk about representative government, what or who are these charlatans representing — themselves? Special interests? Or political parties?
It seems the military leaders, in 1979 and again in 1999, believed that by solemnly incorporating into the Constitution all the freedoms and rights gleaned from the American Bill of Rights or the UN Declaration of Human Rights, everything would be well with the new republic, warts, flaws and all; instead the “Unity in Diversity” epithet has ultimately proved elusive, incoherent and mutually incompatible. Alas, Constitutional verbiage alone could not keep us united. It was Lt. Col Yakubu Gowon (as he then was) in the heady days of 1966, who said “everything considered, the basis for unity (in Nigeria) is not there.” He was right. Here we are 64 years down the line we are still searching for a basis for unity.
Thus, there must be something missing, some things we are not getting right. What do we do now? Perhaps what is missing is what some philosophers of democracy have referred to as “the Spirit of the Laws” or as the prophet Amos asked “Can two walk together unless they agree?” ab initio. And the Psalmist asked, “If the foundations be destroyed; what can the righteous do? .
No society has survived the destruction of its value system. The foundations of democracy can be found in the words of the ancient Hebrew prophets and song writers. In Psalm 89, addressing God, Athan writes “Righteousness and justice are the foundations of your throne, Unfailing love and truth walk before you as attendants, Happy are those who the joyful call to worship” (v14).
If we hack back into many of our African proverbs and sayings, we will find similar sayings. For example, (Igbo nasi “egbe bere, ugo bere nke si ibe ya ebena, nku kwa ya n’ike).
They speak to the need for treating individuals in a community equally, and/or according to merit; it emphasizes inclusivity, and that deviant actions attract consequences. I am not aware of any tribe in Nigeria that has no notion of law, justice or fairness.
Who is a Nigerian and what rights has he/she as a citizen of Nigeria? We are not or cannot even agree on something as basic as that.
Fundamental Values of Association
There are some fundamental principles which must undergird a constitution. After all, a constitution is an agreement, or a contract between people groups or nations to set up a State and empower it to govern them. The agreement is written in a document (constitution) DETAILING THE ARTICLES OF THE AGREEMENT. Why it is necessary for them to come together is usually stated clearly in a preamble. The preamble states in short form the values all of them hold dear that make them come together. A prime example is the famous preamble to the United States of America Constitution…”We hold these truths to be self-evident…’that all men are created equal, and endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights… life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”. They are ready to go to war to defend these “rights.”
So, why are we coming together as Nigerians? What are the fundamental principles that push us to come and live together? Is UNITY a value? If yes, what other secondary values should the constitution contain? Here we come face to face with how the State should act to protect the fundamental values. Here we provide for instrumental values of state policy and administration
Instrumental values of association
These are the traits learned through a process of socialization into the symbols and values of the particular society; sometimes these are reflected in a constitution, sometimes assumed as part of the culture (how things are done)
In politics and governance, values such as integrity, transparency, and accountability are essential for responsible leadership in a democracy. Leaders are expected to act in the best interests of all citizens, prioritize the greater good, and cultivate trust between themselves and the public, simply by being fair and just to all. By embodying these values and demonstrating competence and probity, leaders create a political atmosphere where marginalized groups feel included and represented.
So issues of politics like marginalization, inclusivity, can be assuaged by the behaviour of politicians and administrators in their roles as leaders.
Rule of Law
Above all else, a constitution, as a basic law must be subjected to the operational guidelines (the Laws, customs and usages) of the society at large. Without laws, people fall back into the “state of nature”. A society cannot exist without laws, written or unwritten. The institutions they create embody the values that made association possible and necessary.
State of the Nation – August 2024
At inauguration of the president, he promised that it was his turn to continue the policies of APC under Buhari, after all, it is the same party. He has continued the policy of appointing only his cronies as Ministers, his “tribesmen” to fill the other executive vacancies at the top. Buhari talked about removing subsidy on petroleum products but never got around to doing it. But Tinubu removed the subsidy on day ONE after his inauguration. This his radical move upended everything in the economy: inflation, exchange rates, quantity of money in circulation, and a convoluted monetary policy thanks to the new CBN Governor. One is still trying to understand the dynamics between the Executive and the Legislative branches, especially over fiscal and other budgetary issues. A lot happens in camera among the various cabals in the public arena. To who does the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission report? How come there is so much profligacy in both National Assembly and the Executive Branch? Who is the people’s watch dog? Are Agencies such as EFCC, and DSS working for the people or protecting the powerful? What is the Government’s long term policy? Which way Nigeria, which way to go? (Apologies to Sunny Okoson)
Towards a United Tribes of Nigeria
The #End Bad Governance Protest# was a wake-up call not just on the current BAT/APC administration, but also a reaction to the legacies of the regime which THE TINUBU Administration swore to uphold. Under Tinubu, everything has gone toxic; and why not? THE #END Bad Governance Protest# was like a refrain of Psalm 82 : 3 – 5. The Psalmist is crying out:
”Give justice to the poor and the orphan,
Uphold the rights of the oppressed and the destitute;
Rescue the poor and helpless;
Deliver them from the hands of evil people
But these oppressors know nothing, they are so ignorant,
“They wonder about in darkness, while the whole world is shaken to the core. RISE UP O God and judge the earth, for all the nations belong to you.”
Many well-meaning Nigerians like the ancient prophets are crying out. But will they listen? They have suggested options as ways out of the economic and political morass we find ourselves. Many fear disintegration like what happened in Yugoslavia, 1990/94, so they suggest Constitutional dissolution, like the Czechs/Slovakia purple revolution of 1992/93. Some have called for a Constitutional Conference to examine the way forward or may be restructure the country once again.
Whichever way we want to go, the sooner the better; and to avoid the mistake of 1914 when the “sovereign nations” in the Niger-area were pushed into a forced marriage they did not want nor acquiesced to, we need to be systematic on how we go about it. For as long as the match-makers were around, we all chafed under it. After 110 years of this arranged marriage, dis-entangling is going to be quite tricky. It calls for every ingenuity the human mind can conjure, and the grace of God if He so wills.
So, STEP 1 is to organize a Sovereign National Conference to which all ethnic nationalities that lost their sovereignty by the trickery or conquest of the imperialists, will be represented. Such nationalities should register their existence with the BUREAU OF STATISTICS (BoS), supply the name of the ethnic group and describe, however roughly, where they can be located on the map of Nigeria.; their approximate population; the language they speak – (written or unwritten), the State they are in now and how many LGAs they cover. Within a month from announcement by the BoS, registration will open and close a month later. This time, no more guess work. How many ethnic nationalities are we really in Nigeria?
2. The BoS will vet and collate the submissions and publish the report in ALL newspapers as well as in book form and electronic E-Book. Time will be given for objections, especially over claimed boundaries.
3. The Nigeria Judicial Council will appoint a TEN man-woman Constitutional Council to oversee and guide the establishment of claimed sovereignties as well as convene a Sovereign National Council as suggested below. :
Representation
A. Each identified and registered nationality will be represented by ONE DELEGATE PER Million of the population or part thereof. Any Tribe under one million in population will be allowed only one delegate.
B. Each delegation should be gender sensitive. Delegates should be between the ages of thirty and fifty- five, and educated enough to debate national issues
C. The Constitutional Council will cause well researched papers to be prepared for the delegates beforehand
1. Pro Dissolution of the existing federation
2. Against Dissolution
3. Pro National Economic Integration
4. Against National economic Integration
5. Middle Ground: Global, strategic and International implications of each choice
6. What happens to existing sub-units of the Federation? States and Local Government Areas
7. This SNC is to decide only one issue, ”Do we want to stay together as ONE country by surrendering all or part of our sovereignty to this new ENTITY which for the time being we call UNITED TRIBES OF NIGERIA.
If so, every nationality should be considered “a federating unit?
STEP 2: STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONING OF GOVERNMENT
After a short recess, the SNC will reconvene, to negotiate and decide on the structure and division or allocation of powers to this new entity. Will it be a confederation, a federation or a loose association of Nations — (Commonwealth), in other words, how much of their sovereignty are they willing to surrender to the SUPRA-NATIONAL STATE — UNITED TRIBES OF NIGERIA.
Can any member-nation exit the Commonwealth, confederation , or federation? And under what condition?
Will each member be free to adopt any form of government internally — monarchical, republican, representative democracy etc.
We envisage a three-year time frame within which the current holders of office at federal and state levels of governments will continue to hold the fort until the SNC/nations decide the form and structure of governance at the UTN level.
STEP 3. Public Participation
The SNC REPORT WILL BE WIDELY PUBLISHED AND MADE AVAILABLE TO professional and sectoral associations to comment on issues relevant to them. Such comments and advisory inputs should be made public and published as SNC papers. Dissenting papers should also be published and bound separately for posterity.
At the end of the exercise, each registered ethnic nationality will sign and be regarded as a FEDERATING UNIT OF A PROPOSED UNITED TRIBES OF NIGERIA.
A NOTE ON TERMS USED
The rise of nations, a Biblical view. It starts from a family, a man and his wife or wives, this grows into kindreds, related kindreds form tribes, several related tribes with common ancestry, common language, and common ways of doing things (culture), sometimes with common myths of origin form the nation. The word Nation in the New Testament is the Greek word ethne from where we derive the English word ethnic. A state is quite different type of agglomeration of peoples and nations as defined earlier.
A nation is not a state. A state is the organizational structure established by a group of people, or by a nation, to exercise power and authority (to rule) over the lives of all the people living within its borders. Government is the instrument for exercising that collective WILL of the people. Power belongs to the people and there are a number of philosophical discourses on the process by which this power of the people is transferred to the state as described here, a notional social contract. (J J Rousseau, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes etc). States differ in their internal structure depending on whether it is comprised of only one (ethne= one people) or several people groups nation–state.
The modern day Israel is a typical nation-state. There is only one ethnic group (Jews) in it. But if and when they admit the Palestinian Arabs into Israel as citizens, they cease to be a nation-state. It will become a bilingual nation-state. By the same token, Nigeria as constituted by the British imperialism got independence as a federated multi–nation state, comprising many ethnic nationalities held together by a federal constitution (one can say by Force).
Nigeria is not a nation state, it is a multi-nation-state. Most, if not all the ethnic nationalities within Nigeria could have formed separate nation-states; but the pre-independence leaders chose through a series of negotiations to live together in this geographical space called Nigeria under the British-negotiated federal arrangement. Some of the ethnic nationalities included could have become a nation state and join the UN as such. Some have populations running into millions, others may be in the hundreds of thousands. It is often said that Nigeria encloses up to 250 such ethnic-cultural groups. We do not know for sure. If the smaller groups could find other affinities with contiguous ethnic-cultural groups, they too can agree to form a state of their own with no outside coercion.
The Concise Oxford Dictionary of current English, 1951 edition, defines the word federal as 1. based on doctrine of covenants; 2 a polity in which several states form a unity but remain independent in internal affairs concerning each that is those affairs not concerning the whole or the other separate parts. So by definition, a Federal system of government is based on negotiated covenants, binding only to the extent allowed in the covenants.
Each of these ethnic groups had their sovereignty stolen or negotiated away to the British imperialists in the twilight of the nineteenth century and thrown together as Nigeria. The first restructuring was in 1914, when the northern and southern protectorates were amalgamated into one country but under two different administrations. By 1931, under Sir Hugh Clifford, and as infrastructure of the colony improved, they further divided the country into provinces.
Each province came as near as possible or as the British official could discern, to enclosing only one ethnic group or few contiguous peoples. Thanks to official anthropologists who studied the various people-groups under their domain. In 1946, under the Richard Constitution Nigeria was restructured into three Regions, namely, Eastern, Western and Northern Region, each under a Governor, while a Governor-General was posted in Lagos Colony, as the capital of Nigeria. The sovereignty which each people-group had, was as it were, ceded to the British crown. Since Independence, there, has been several restructuring exercises, one in the first republic, the creation of the Mid-West region by referendum; the rest, five different exercises were all during the military regimes.
- Excerpts from a forth coming book, NIGERIA ON THE BRINK, by Elder Dr Uma Eleazu, OON, economist, political scientist and administrator par excellence, who was a member of the committees that wrote both the 1979 and 1999 constitutions.
