Oshiomhole, Obaseki and Nigeria’s godfather/godson politics

Oshiomhole and Obaseki

By Emeka Alex Duru

With the formal resignation of Edo State governor, Godwin Obaseki, from the All Progressives Congress (APC), on Tuesday, June 16, 2020, a chapter has been closed in the sizzling feud between him and his predecessor and erstwhile godfather, Adams Oshiomhole. Speculations on the eventual move by the governor began to swell last week, when he was disqualified from participating in the June 22 primary of the party. With the turn of events, he may seek accommodation in another political platform if he still hopes to contest the September governorship election in the state.

The Oshiomhole/Obaseki debacle is a reenactment of the godfather/godson encounter that has dominated the nation’s politics since the commencement of the current dispensation. The dominant trend in the feud has been the tussle for control of events in the states. It has always been a case of the godfather inching to dictate the affairs of the state and the godson fighting to stamp his authority. President Olusegun Obasanjo, may have thought through the development shortly after his election in 1999, when in his allegory of the king and kingmaker, he lectured that the king needed to silence or even extinguish the kingmaker to remain in charge. The ex-president’s mindset perhaps, informed the scorch-earth policy he employed in going against those that aided him to office.

Godfathers and their godsons

At the states, some of the governors who funded their campaigns chose to be in control from the blast of the whistle, keeping at bay, chieftains of the party they did not consider pliable, determining who to relate with and in some instances, relegating their Deputies. Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Lagos State and his Abia counterpart, Orji Uzor Kalu, stood out in this league, each completing his two terms with three Deputy Governors in quick succession.

Tinubu and Kalu have remained godfathers in their various states ever since. On occasions, they have been drawn into huge fights with their godsons, recording successes and reverses in some instances. Tinubu’s tiff with his hand-picked successor, Babatunde Raji Fashola, in the build-up to the 2011 general election, saw him suffering some setbacks, as public opinion and Fashola’s performance profile, earned him a second term. Not so, for Akinwunmi Ambode. In that case, Asiwaju did not take chances. Cashing in on Ambode’s obvious low public image, Tinubu moved fast and employed Direct Primary to deny him the privilege of running for another term on the ticket of APC. Without adequate political clout to stand on his own, Ambode chickened out of the race and scurried out of the country, on what many consider self-exile. Tinubu remains the godfather of Lagos politics, having propped and chaperoned the present governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu to office in 2019.

Kalu could not replicate the Tinubu feat in Abia as his godson, Theodore Orji, learnt early enough and gave him a battle of his life. With Kalu elbowed out of the way, Orji became the new godfather of Abia politics. Both are in the Senate.

In Enugu, Senator Chimaraoke Nnamani went through energy-sapping battle to dislodge Jim Nwobodo, his mentor over the control of power in the state. On leaving in 2007, Nnamani literally installed Sullivan Chime. Shortly after, they were at each other’s throat, with Sullivan having upper hand, at the end of the day.

Edo joins the league

This is the scenario in Edo. For Comrade Oshiomhole, a former Labour Leader, who successfully fought established figures in the state to steady his stay in office, Obaseki must continue to play the good boy. But the governor wanted to be his own man. None yielded to the other, hence the current state of affairs. What may not be easily determined is the extent Obaseki can go in realizing his dream of a second term. Insinuations are that he may find anchor in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) or any of the political parties in the state. His challenge in PDP is securing the ticket, given that there are already three aspirants cleared to run for the party’s ticket on Saturday. That will also require the national leadership of the party granting him a waiver.

How well that will go down with the aspirants and other members of the party, may remain an issue of conjecture. On two occasions in the past when the party hurriedly adopted Generals Charles Airhvbere and Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu in place of known aspirants, the actions did not work in its favour in the main election. It rather widened the gulf of disharmony in the party.

PDP for Obaseki?

PDP seems the best bet for Obaseki. With two out of the three senators representing the state in the National Assembly and four out of the nine members of the House of Representatives, the party has solid base in Edo. More so, the revulsion of the voters to Oshiomhole’s godfather antics, may work in his favour. Any attempt at going for any of the lesser known parties, cannot guarantee him an impressive showing in the race. In 2003 when the PDP denied Chinwoke Mbadinuju its ticket in Anambra, his efforts at coming back through the Alliance for Democracy (AD), ended in fiasco as the party was not known to the Anambra voter. This is where Obaseki may have problem if he is not accommodated in PDP.

If he runs on the platform of the party, he has history to fall on. In the run-up to the last election, Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State was engulfed in a titanic battle with Senator George Akume, over the control of the state’s politics. Fearing being disgraced at the last minute, Ortom left APC and returned to PDP. At the pool, he emerged triumphant while Akume failed to return to the Senate.

Oshiomhole and the dangers ahead

In moving against Obaseki, APC has cleared Ize-Iyamu and former deputy governor, Pius Odubu for the June 22 primary. Both had come along way with Oshiomhole. They also have past stories of ugly encounters with him. Four years ago, while settling for Obaseki, Oshiomhole ran down Ize-Iyamu as someone lacking in credibility and not deserving to be given public office. He also had issues with Odubu to the point of the former deputy governor alleging that the Comrade slapped him in one instance. Oshiomhole may have forgotten the details of this rancorous past with the two but in a system where the players hardly forgive, they may not have left the matters behind. Thus, whichever way the September poll goes in Edo, Comrade Oshiomhole will be an issue. If Obaseki returns to office, that may signal a continuation of their face-off. If either Odubu or Ize-Iyamu emerges governor, the chances of sycophantic aides or supporters reminding him of the past with the Comrade, may be there. In which case, he may be the eventual loser.    

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