Nigeria @55: The gains, the losses

President Buhari

Assistant Politics Editor, DANIEL KANU, takes a critical look at Nigeria’s Independence 55 years ago, identifying the country’s areas of successes and failures.

 

Mohammadu Buhari

Last Thursday, Nigerians marked the country’s 55th Independence anniversary. Given the ‘transition’ mood of the country, the celebration was low-keyed. With an austere budget from the President Muhammadu Buhari-led government, it was certain that the merriment would not be elaborate.

 

 

That aside, analysts are in agreement that the history of the nation is a rich, mix of “the good, bad and the ugly”.

 

 

In the beginning
Nigeria was granted full independence on October 1, 1960, a day the Union Jack (British flag) was lowered, while the Nigerian green and white flag was hoisted. The then emerging administration took the form of British Westminster parliamentary pattern. The political parties that emerged, however, tended to reflect the make-up of the three main ethnic groups. The Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) represented the Northern Region, National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) represented the interests of the Igbo and Christian-dominated people of the Eastern Region, while the Action Group (AG) was a left-leaning party that represented the interests of the Yoruba people in the West.

 

First Republic
In October 1963, Nigeria became a Republic, with the Governor-General, Nnamdi Azikiwe, as the country’s first President, and Tafawa Balewa as Prime Minister. From the outset, Nigeria’s ethnic and religious tensions were magnified by the disparities in economic and educational development between the South and the North.

 

The 1965 national election produced a major re-alignment of politics and a disputed result that set the country on the path to civil chaos. The events that would start the tragic course of Nigeria occurred on January 15, 1966 when military officers, accused of being driven by inordinate ambition, seized power in a bloody coup against a democratically-elected government.

 
Aguiyi-Ironsi intervenes
The bloody nature of the young Majors’ coup created confusion in the land that necessitated the intervention of the then Chief of Army Staff (COAS), General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, who became the head of state. The Federal Military Government that assumed power under Ironsi failed to calm ethnic tensions that had heated up the polity.

 

 

Gowon takes over
The efforts to abolish the federal structure on May 24, 1966 raised tensions and led to another coup by largely Northern officers in July 1966, which established the leadership of the Colonel Yakubu Gowon. The resulting confusion led to organised pogroms against the Igbo in some parts of the country, especially the North.

 
Ojukwu kicks
In the face of helplessness occasioned by the onslaught against his Igbo kinsmen, on May 30, 1967, Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Military Governor of the Eastern Region, who emerged as the leader of increasing Igbo self-determination sentiment, declared the independence of the Eastern Region as the Republic of Biafra.

 

The declaration saw the federal government descending on the Eastern Region in the 30-month Nigeria-Biafra civil war that culminated with Gowon’s famous “No Victor, No Vanquished” declaration in 1970. Five years later, it was apparent that the Gowon administration had no agenda at returning the country to civilian rule. This, on the surface, was the reason it was toppled.

 

 

Enter Mohammed
On July 29, 1975, Gen. Murtala Mohammed and a group of officers staged a bloodless coup, accusing Gowon of corruption and delaying the promised return to civilian rule. Mohammed replaced thousands of civil servants and announced a timetable for the resumption of civilian rule by October 1, 1979. He was assassinated on February 13, 1976 in an abortive coup and his Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, became head of state.

 

 

Obasanjo steps in
With the death of Mohammed, Obasanjo took power and made remarkable achievements which included improvement in education, through the Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy. There were attempts to expand the country’s industrial base with huge revenues from the oil boom at the time, in addition to the Operation Feed the Nation (OFN), a programme designed to encourage farmers in the country. The regime also achieved a commendable reform of the local government system and ensured transfer of power to an elected civilian administration.

 
Shagari takes charge
In 1979, five political parties competed in a series of elections in which Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was elected president. Major criticism against the administration was the allegation of corruption. In August 1983, Shagari and the NPN were returned to power in a controversial victory with a majority of seats in the National Assembly and control of 12 state governments.

 

 

Buhari strikes
It was the putsch of December 31, 1983 that brought in the General Muhammadu Buhari regime. The administration justified the military incursion by castigating the civilian government as hopelessly corrupt. It promptly embarked on many drastic policies aimed at bringing sanity into the system. Prominent among the measures was War Against Indiscipline (WAI), which restored orderliness in public life and dedication to public services. The government was overthrown on August 27, 1985 with the announcement of Brig. Joshua Dogonyaro.

 
The Babangida coup
General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), the COAS, curiously overthrew Buhari’s government in what was aptly referred to as a palace coup.
Babangida, who later assumed an unusual title of ‘Military President’, cited the misuse of power, violations of human rights by key officers of the Buhari administration and the government’s failure to deal with the country’s deepening economic crisis, as justifications for the take-over.

 

The new ruler promised to return the country to civilian rule by 1990 which was later pushed to January 1993. Earlier in October 1989, the government had established two parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

 

In December 1990, the first stage of partisan elections was held at the local government level.

 

The presidential election was finally held on June 12, 1993, with the inauguration of the new president scheduled to take place on August 27, 1993, the eighth anniversary of Babangida’s assumption of power.

 

In the historic June 12 presidential elections, which most observers deemed to be Nigeria’s freest and fairest, early returns indicated that wealthy businessman and philanthropist, Moshood Abiola popularly known as MKO, won a decisive victory. But on June 23, Babangida, citing several pending lawsuits, annulled the election.

 

Following the annulment of the June 12 election, the United States and others imposed sanctions on Nigeria, including travel restrictions on government officials and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Many lost their lives in intense riots before Babangida was forced to “step aside” and hand power to an interim national government (ING) led by Ernest Shonekan on August 27, 1993.

 

The Shonekan days
Ernest Shonekan was a prominent non-partisan businessman. He was to rule until elections scheduled for February 1994.

 

Although he had led Babangida’s Transitional Council since 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse Nigeria’s economic problems or to defuse lingering political tension. The country was degenerating into anarchy until Defence Minister, Sani Abacha, seized power from him.

 

 

Abacha usurps power
With the country sliding into chaos, Abacha assumed power and forced Shonekan to resign on November 17, 1993. He dissolved all democratic institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers. Although promising restoration of civilian rule, he refused to announce a transitional timetable until 1995.

 

On October 1, 1995 Abacha announced the timetable for a three-year transition to civilian rule. Only five political parties were approved by the regime and voter turnout for local elections in December 1997 was less than 10 per cent.

 

It was believed that he wheedled each of the approved political parties to adopt him as its sole candidate for the presidential election. Also, a one-million-man march suspected to have been sponsored by the central government was organised in Abuja. A certain Daniel Kanu then floated a group, Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA), to campaign for the same cause.
Abacha later died in mysterious circumstances on June 8, 1998.

 

 

Abubakar unfolds transition agenda
Abacha was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar.
Under Abubakar, Abiola died in detention, putting to an end a struggle for the validation of his mandate.

 

In August 1998, Abubakar appointed the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to conduct elections for local government councils, state legislature and governors, the National Assembly, and president. NEC successfully held elections on December 5, 1998 for local government chairmanship, January 9, 1999 (governorship), February 20 (House of Assembly and National Assembly), and February 27 (presidency).

 

 

Obasanjo returns
The emergence of democracy in Nigeria on May 1999 ended 16 years of consecutive military rule. Obasanjo inherited a country bogged by economic stagnation and the deterioration of most democratic institutions.

He took over a country that faced many problems, including a dysfunctional bureaucracy, collapsed infrastructure, and a military that wanted a reward for returning quietly to the barracks. He did his two-term tenure and lifted Nigeria higher in international rating.

 

 

Yar’Adua emerges president
In the 2007 general election, Umaru Yar’Adua of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was elected president, with Goodluck Jonathan as his vice.

 

Yar’Adua’s presidency was fraught with uncertainty, as media reports claimed that he suffered from kidney and heart disease.

 

Incidentally, the government had seven-point agenda to transform the country, but could not achieve them before he died in office on May 5, 2010.

 

 

Jonathan takes over
Relying on the “doctrine of necessity” by the National Assembly on account of Yar’Adua’s ailment, in February 2010, Jonathan began serving as acting president. Following the death of Yar’Adua, he became president on May 6. By April 2011, he stood for election, polling 22 million votes to beat Buhari of Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), his closest rival, who scored a distant 12 million votes.

 

 

Buhari returns
Jonathan’s re-election bid in 2015 was, however, truncated by Buhari who won in the March 28 presidential election. Buhari has vowed to stop at nothing in his efforts to transform the country.
A nation at the crossroads
This year’s celebration is believed to come at a time the economic downturn occasioned by the fall in the price of crude oil at the international market is taking its toll on the country. Many state governors, who depend on allocation from the Federation Account to pay salaries and embark on other projects, are currently stranded as they have to depend on bail-out from Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to be able to pay workers’ several months’ salary arrears.

 

The nation’s challenge has been that of dwindling economy, insecurity, massive corruption, power among others.

 

 

During the electioneering that ushered in Buhari as the president-elect, the campaign mantra of his party was “Change” which reverberated in all the political rallies held across the country.

 

Two messages stood out in all his campaign: fighting corruption and insecurity. Incidentally, war against corruption has become a cliche in Nigeria’s political lexicon, as successive governments over the years have continued to mention corruption as a social malaise that they would give utmost attention.

 

Buhari maintains his Key Performance Areas (KPAs) would be to fight corruption, power, tackle insecurity and restore dwindling economy.

 

Nigerians groan
Critics say it has been much talk and no action. They have argued that the security situation has not improved, as the Boko Haram has continued to unleash venom with reckless abandon.

 

The economy is still in doldrums, and commentators, especially Jonathan’s supporters, have argued that whatever improvement in power was still the effort the Jonathan’s government had put on the ground.

 

With billions of naira in both budgetary allocation and international aid allegedly spent on improving social services, Nigeria remains the sore of the African continent.

 

The sad truth is that there are hundreds of people who die every day in Nigeria because they are simply too poor to stay alive. They have no jobs. They, therefore, have no means of sustenance for themselves and their families. When they are sick, they cannot afford to go to the hospital or to procure medication. They cannot afford to pay the school fees of their children. They are unable to pay their house rents. They can hardly feed.

 

These are not numbers; they are human beings whose dignity have been bruised and battered because of the burdensome weight of life’s unbearable challenges. In virtually every sector of our economy, the indices are at an all-time low. Social infrastructure from schools, hospitals, roads, electricity, water supply, and even prisons are at their worst state than at any other moment in the history of this country.

 

Against this backdrop, critics argue that on the balance, there is little to cheer about Nigeria at 55.

 

What is obvious is that the presence of Buhari is beginning to instil sanity in the system which many believe will pay off in due time.

 

Political commentators are in agreement that Buhari must now articulate a grand vision for the country, create a new energy and re-direct the energy of Nigerians towards actualising that vision.

 
The people react
Arinze Esomnofu, political analyst and motivational speaker, said there is nothing to celebrate, but that Nigerians should reflect on where they got it wrong. He said Nigeria needs great nation-builders and committed patriots to fix the nation which has been systematically plundered by its rulers who were experts in prebendal politics rather than seeking to unite all groups irrespective of tongue and tribe.

 

Former lawmaker at the House of Representatives, Oladele Kosoko, said there is hope with Buhari in the saddle. He told TheNiche that the change his party, APC, had advertised would transform Nigeria, as Buhari is poised to implement the party agenda.

 

Most political commentators are of the opinion that for Nigeria to look confidently into the future and take charge, it must keep glancing back at the bitter lessons and worthy examples set by extraordinary personalities who stood at the roots of its independence.

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